Big
media today is all about monetizing the non-conversation of outrage and
division and using them to consolidate power. The Limbaughs and Hannitys have
been strategically intensifying ginned-up divisions for decades, encouraging an
uncivil public square and shredding a shared vision of national purpose that
might otherwise surface. Discourse is cheapened by their model of constant interruption
and relentless advocacy of one side of an argument, dismissing opposing views with
sneering contempt.
The
president fits right in. He is unequipped to make the transition from child of
the media to mature includer-in-chief. While his
superstardom distracts and divides, corporate forces fueled by dark money—weapons, health
insurance, big pharma, fossil fuel interests, the NRA—subvert policies that reliable
statistics indicate a majority of the public wants.
Polarization
within our own country echoes our fears of the “other” beyond our borders,
justifying dehumanization and ultimately war itself. It’s easy to slide into
mobocracy, as in the shameful recent “send her back” moment. The left is not
immune from its own irrationality in its indiscriminate contempt for the
“deplorable” right.
Setting
aside the refreshing vigor of the initial Democratic debates, reluctance to
bring these underlying conflicts of worldview into the light of vigorous
dialogue still occurs on many levels.
One
under-mentioned issue is the ongoing threat of nuclear war, a topic which almost
disappeared in recent presidential election cycles. Setting aside you and me
talking more, why aren’t the generals of the nine nuclear powers in permanent
dialogue about an arms race hell-bent for apocalypse? Instead, Russia and
America are withdrawing from the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty, an
agreement that worked to greatly lessen superpower tensions.
Leaving
the Paris Accords did not help our national conversation about the global
climate emergency, nor does the president censoring accurate climate data from
government websites.
Add
Russian interference in our voting, immigration reform, the epidemics of mass
shooting and opioids, the #Me too movement, and achieving health coverage for
all, and we have a set of issues crying out for vital dialogue. We’re all
Americans, we all want better policy outcomes, and far more unites than divides
us. The discipline of inclusion, active listening, and staying open to learning
something new isn’t rocket science.
If we give conservatism its
due as a prudent understanding that things can always become much worse, and a
consequent awareness of the delicate nature of institutions and the need for
their careful preservation—including the preservation of the natural world, as
in conservation—and if we give progressivism its due as the belief that institutions
should be subject to periodic re-evaluation as circumstances evolve—then
conservatives and progressives ought to be equally interested in how the other
thinks, enabling a vital center.
Bridging
the chasm becomes easier when diverse viewpoints encounter each other within a
big tent of shared goals. I see this at my local Rotary Club, where men and
women firmly on both sides of the political divide work harmoniously toward
larger ends such as feeding the hungry or providing help to people who need a
hand up to complete professional training. But even in such comfortable
settings there is still some inhibition when it comes to open dialogue, a tacit
agreement to leave political divergence unaddressed in the name of a brittle
accord.
The
times are too momentous for us to bite our tongues in the name of a veneer of civility
that inhibits the constructive exchange of views. Civility, while necessary, is
not sufficient. Civility is a word, like tolerance, which implies a segregated
model of live-and-let-live—a kind of self-gerrymandering that foregoes encounters
with difference and potential breakthroughs to commonality.
Whether we label ourselves
conservative or progressive or something in between, it is hard to envision how
we can continue on our present path of racism, militarism, and unsustainability. Our largest challenges, first among equals the climate
emergency, are beyond solution by individual nations. A new level of
cooperation is required that requires less America first and more Earth first. Let’s
talk about how we can help other nations, even adversaries, with floods or
droughts or water deprivation. That kind of action could change our
conversation with a country like Iran.
Our Declaration
opens with the pursuit of happiness. Hannah Arendt observed that we may have
misconstrued its meaning. What it seems to mean to us is shelves of self-help
books about how to be happy in the silos of our private lives. What Arendt
thought it meant to the founders was the happiness that wells up in society as
a whole in the inclusive exercise of its collective responsibility—maybe this
happiness begins in the pursuit of conversational climate change.
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