Everything on our small planet affects everything else. This
interdependence is more a harsh reality than a New Age bromide. A diminishing
few may still deny human agency in climate instability, but they can hardly pretend
that diseases, or wind-driven pollution, are unstoppable by national
borders. Even Donald Trump would
not be able to build a wall that stopped the Zika virus, micro-particulates wafting
from the coal plants of China, or the flow of radioactive water from Fukushima.
It is especially urgent that we understand the bizarre
interdependence that arises from the reality that nine nations possess nuclear
weapons. It no longer matters how many nuclear weapons a given nation has,
because detonation of such weapons by any nation, even a relatively small
portion of the world’s arsenals, could result in a “nuclear winter” that would
have planet-wide effects.
We have reached a wall, not a physical Trump-style wall, but
an absolute limit of destructive power that changes everything. The
implications even reverberate back down into supposedly smaller, non-nuclear
conflicts. The late Admiral Eugene Carroll, who was once in charge of all
American nuclear weapons, said it straight out: “to prevent nuclear war, we
must prevent all war.” Any war, including such regional conflicts as the
ongoing border dispute in Kashmir between India and Pakistan, could rapidly
escalate to the nuclear level.
Clearly this notion, understandable enough to a layperson
like me, has not sunk in at the highest levels of foreign policy expertise in
our own and other countries. If it had, the United States would not be
committing itself to a trillion-dollar upgrade of its nuclear arsenal. Nor
would Russia be spending more on such weapons, nor India, nor Pakistan.
The analogy with America’s gun obsession is inescapable.
Many politicians and the lobbyists to contribute to their campaigns, defying
common sense, advocate for an expansion of rights and permits to carry guns
into classrooms and churches and even bars, arguing that if everyone had a gun we
would all be more secure. Would the world be safer if more countries, or God
forbid all countries, possessed nuclear weapons—or would we be safer if none
did?
When it comes to how we think about these weapons, the
concept of “enemy” itself needs to be mindfully re-examined. The weapons
themselves have become everyone’s enemy, an enemy much fiercer than the most
evil human adversary imaginable. Because we share the reality that my security
depends upon yours and yours upon mine, the concept of an enemy that can be effectively
annihilated by superior nuclear firepower has become obsolete. Meanwhile our
thousands of weapons remain poised and ready for someone to make a fatal
mistake and annihilate everything we cherish.
The most implacable adversaries are precisely the parties
who should be reaching out and talking to each other with the most urgency:
India and Pakistan, Russia and the U.S., South and North Korea. The difficult
achievement of the treaty slowing and limiting the ability of Iran to make
nuclear weapons is beyond laudable, but we need to augment its strength by
building webs of friendship between U.S. and Iranian citizens. Instead, the
status quo of mistrust is maintained by obsolete stereotypes reinforced by
elected officials and pundits.
As important are treaties of non-proliferation and
war-prevention, networks of genuine human relationship are even more crucial.
As the peace activist David Hartsough has written about his recent trip to
Russia: “Instead of sending military troops to the borders of Russia, let’s
send lots more citizen diplomacy delegations like ours to Russia to get to know
the Russian people and learn that we are all one human family. We can build
peace and understanding between our peoples.” Again this may sound like a
bromide to the political and media establishment, but instead it is the only realistic way our species can get past
the wall of absolute destruction that contains no way out on the level of
military superiority.
Reagan and Gorbachev came very close to agreeing to abolish
their two nations’ nukes in their conference in Reykjavik in 1986. It could
have happened. It should have happened. We need leaders with the vision and
daring to push all-out for abolition. As a citizen with no special expertise, I
cannot understand how a person as smart as President Obama could go to
Hiroshima and hedge his statements about the abolition of nuclear weapons with mealy
phrases like “We may not realize this goal in my lifetime.” I hope Mr. Obama
makes as great an ex-president as has Jimmy Carter. Set free from the political
constraints of his office, perhaps he will join Mr. Carter in robust peace initiatives
that use his relationships with world leaders to seek real change.
His voice will be crucial, but it is only one voice. NGOs
like Rotary International, with millions of members in thousands of clubs in
hundreds of countries, are our safest, quickest way to real security. But for
organizations like Rotary to really take on war prevention as it took on the
worldwide eradication of polio, rank-and-file Rotarians, like all citizens,
must awaken to the degree to which everything has changed, and reach across
walls of alienation to supposed enemies. The horrific possibility of nuclear
winter is in an odd way positive, because it represents the self-defeating
absolute limit of military force up against which the whole planet has come. We
all find ourselves up against a wall of impending doom—and potential hope.
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